Sovereignty and the Limits of the Liberal Imagination by Scott G. Nelson
Author:Scott G. Nelson [Nelson, Scott G.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: International Relations, Public Policy, City Planning & Urban Development, History & Theory, Political Science, General
ISBN: 9781135261740
Google: hVKOAgAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 17513126
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2009-09-11T00:00:00+00:00
Foucault explained that what was unique about the Aufklärung for Kant was a kind of speculation about how one belongs not to a tradition, custom or divine doctrine, but how one belongs to a certain âpresent,â a âtime,â a human community that could only arise in time. In Kantâs reflection on the Enlightenment Foucault saw a unique analytics that questioned âhow one belongs to a certain us, to an us that concerns a cultural totality characteristic of oneâs own time.â According to Foucault, âthe philosopher can no longer avoid the question of the specific way in which he belongs to this âusââ (ibid.). What so interested Foucault in this âusâ was both its historical and geographical particularity as well as its altogether ambiguous genesis (and historical rarefaction) in a time and a place. People may not have understood the real nature of this âus,â but there was a growing inclination to accept it. It was accepted as an inevitable part of humansâ lives â a way of relating to themselves, to an âusâ to which they increasingly felt themselves attached.
One could make the case that it was Machiavelli who initiated this philosophical turn. There is evidence that Foucault would have agreed.29 But I think Foucault saw a particular payoff in locating a crucial tension in Kant between, on the one hand, a desire to elaborate an unquestionable metaphysical ground for morality, and on the other, his acknowledgement that a community of free-thinking persons working from such a premise can only be brought about when and where the liberal ideals of right, freedom, and autonomy prevail. Not all societies can reach Enlightenment, but some can do so if the right conditions for freedomâs exercise are available.
Foucault thus wanted to draw out the implications of the advent of philosophyâs âself-criticalâ project. They consist in a manner of intellectual interrogation that envisages the present, a time, as a field of possible experiences, as a time brought about through the negotiation of meaning and value that is always differentially effected by the manifold practices of power (what Foucault came to term âgovernmentalizationâ) through which humans move. At this moment philosophy recognizes that it belongs to nothing but the present; furthermore, it recognizes that its task is to give a name, an identity to that present; its task is to give people over to a belief in an unambiguous âus.â Identity can only be given in reference to a human community that articulates an account of the purposive and integrative, an account to which it appeals as nothing more than a most general âus,â an âusâ that is accepted as a simple historical inevitability. Philosophyâs job is to find within this âusâ the justification for what it can say, the conditions for what it can do. Indeed, it is philosophyâs job to do more than that: it must locate within community what philosophy, and hence what government, must say, what it must do.
For Kant, it was philosophyâs job to specify the limits that knowledge must
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